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H74 



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THREE 



E 357 
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Copy 1 



SPEECHES 



OP 



MR. HOLMES, 



IN THE 



SENATE OF MASSACHUSETTS. 



1814. 



4 

»1 



NEW YORK ! 

PRIJS^TEB BY E. COJ^RAl), 

NO. 4, FRANKFORT-STREET, 
SJRECJLY opposite TAMMANY-HALL. 

1814, 



SPEECH 



OP 



MR. HOLMES, 

IN THE 

SENATE OF MASSACHUSETTS, 



OX Ills MOTION TO ERASE FROM THE JOURNALS OF THE SE- 
NATE, A RESOLVE PROPOSED iJT MR. Q,UIXCY, STATING THAT 
IT WAS " NOT BECOMING A MORAL AND RELIGIOUS TEOPLE" 
TO REJOICE AT OUR NAVAL VICTORIES. 



JIJK. FRESTDE^YT, 

AS the motion to erase the resolve of the 15th June, 1813, from your 
'journals, was made by me, and as I was on the committee who reported 
against theerasure, it will probably be expected that I should give some 
reasons for this motion, and why I do not concur in the report of your com- 
mittee. I am not tenacious of the manner in which tliis erasure is to be 
elfccted. If tliat resolve ought to be erased, it is indifferent to me wheth- 
er it be done by the resolution in the form which I have proposed, or 
in any other mode which shall best con}port with the feelings of geistlemen 
and the delicacy of the subject. Indeed if my proposition to erase has 
omitted any part of that resolve which ought to have been included, let it 
be so amended as to conform to the facts as you understand them ; but it' 
the object of the proposition is good, let it not be defeated by misquoting 
or misconstruing it, as is done in this report. The proposition to erase, 
states that the resolve of June, is a " withholding the usual e.vpressions ot* 
respect and approbation" from captain LAWIIENCE, *' iVi this partirular 
respect;''^ that is, in the case of the destruction of the Peacock. In your 
report you misquote the words and deny the fact. It is true that none of the 
preamble of the resolve of June is recited, and you boast, that in that prc' 
amble you have stated that you have a " high sense of the naval skill and 
military and civil virtues of captain James Lawrence," [Here Mr. H. read 
the whole preamble aiid resolve, the proposition to eiase, and the report. 

Here, sir, you state, in substance, that though you like this captain 
Xawrence very well, and have a pretty good opinion of his skill and virtue, 
still you will do him no honor for this particular act, for fear you should 
encourage or approbate thisv»icked and uujisst war. Really, sir, is this a. 
compliment ? Is it not an indirect cejisure .' You have made him the ob- 
ject of a mo-;t invidious discriminatloa. Hitherto, the gentlemen of botl> 



political parties, in this Legislature, have united in voting approbation and 
thfinks to our nava! heroes, for acts of valor, not more pre-eminent than 
this. On the 18th of February last, this Senate, in a very handsome man- 
ner, complimented captain Bainbridge, for his enterprise, courage and 
skill in thecapture and destruction of the Java. By consulting the journals, 
I find the yeas were sixteen, and the nays none. The gentlemen who now 
compose the majority of this board, were then in the minority ; but they 
could have voted, if they chose. It will not I presume, be pretended that 
none of the minority were present, nor that if present, they were afraid, 
Hor did not know how' to vote — or that they left their seats. If present, which 
is very probable, th^y acquiesced in the vote of this majority, and hereby 
gave their assent and approbation to the measure. In the House during 
the same session, votes of thanks passed to capts. Hull, Decatur, Jones 
and Bairibrido;e — and the votes were unanimous. Durin©; this session, the 
hou<=e have, without distinction of party, passed a resolve of approbation 
and thanks to com. Perry, his officers and crew. Amidst these expressions 
of public applause, these universal bursts of approbation, and about the 
time onr enemies are conferring honors on the memory of Lawrence, your 
*' morality and religion" interposed an obstacle, and you must withhold the 
usual testimonials from this brave man. This too, sir, by the friends of the 
navy ! — Men who have 'clamored inee=santly against the administration for 
not encouraging t:iis species of thice. 

lint, sir, the public voice cy.lls for this erasure. Your political friends 
feel mortified and scandalized by this disgraceful resolve. Tliey wish it had 
never been placed on your journals. I am told that it has been in serious 
contemplation, by some of your own party in this town, even in Boston, tocaJl 
a town meeting to inslnict their Representatives and Senators to use their en- 
deavors to effect thit erasure. However this may be, I am satisfied that this 
is an act most of your party wisii bniied in oblivion. The proposition avoids 
party distinctions ; it was intended to be as inoffensive as possible. It sug- 
c^ests that this discrimination, may wound the feelings of his friends. Since 
the passing the resolve, it has been ascertained, that it Wiss done about the 
time that he died in defence of his country. ^Ve do not ask yoi\ to respect 
his memory, nor to bestow any honor on him for this particular act — But to 
leave it asthoiigh nothing had been done; to take away this reproach ; to 
wipe this fonl stain IVoin your state, 'i'he senthnents contained va this re- 
solve do not accord with the sentiments or acts of the people. They will 
rejoic'G at victories, and bestow honor on the heroes that achieve them, and 
yon, either from motives of policy or sincerity, are obliged to mingle iu 
their rejoicings. You cannot have forgotten the union of parties, in giving 
honor and a sword to Perry. All united, all put at risk their morals ami 
religion, and vied with each other who should be first in this wicked exul- 
tation ! 

But it is the prlr.ciple of the war which you disapprove. Has nothing, 
since the passi;^g of this resolve, happened to convince yon of the justice 
of, the war.' IS'othing to stop your clamor of French infiuence ? JNothing 
that, in ihc remotest degree, «iiscovers the pacific disposition of our govern- 
ment ? 1 f'hall not trouble the gentlemen nor myself again on this subject, 
Tf gentlemen could divest themselves of their British partialities, and prac- 
tise towards their g(»vernmcnt, the same charities wiiich they practise in 
{social life, they would by this time cease their clamor on tiie injustice of 
thjs war. It is but lair, it is rii^ht, that in a dispute of your own family 
with a neighbor, you should believe your own right, until they are proved 
in tlie n'rong. If you could but practice the same charity towards your 
country, we shonid heir none of these charges of an ui\ju,>t and wicked 



war. But suppose you will not; f^uppose tJuit you and Ciosi.t TJritain on 
the one hand should contend thai she is rxclusively right ; tljat the Ame- 
rican people on the other shonld contend that they are exclnsively right ; 
but tJiat Britain and her partizans in America shonld tenaciously contend 
against us on ail the points. And that some great, wise, sood and magna- 
nfnious prince, no way interested in our favor, shinild be willing to mediate, 
between us, and settle the dispute. And suppose roe should ai-cept his 
proposition, and you should reject it—would this be no evidence of the 
iustice of our quarrel ? And "after this, this prince should express his 
"approbation of our conduct, take pleasure ia doing justice to the wisdom 
and ni3P:naiiimity of our government, express his conviction that we ha<l 
no foreign partia'lities, and that we had done all we could do to avoid this 
contest, would not this satisfy you ? 

Now, what is the fact? Alexander the deliverer, eraperor of all the 
Kussias, a man who reigns in the hearts of nearly thirty millions of people ; 
a nian whose justice you have eulogii^cd, Avhose victories you have cele- 
brated, and wiiose virtues you have extolled to the skies, has done all this 
and more. Let it be remembered that this man tikes pleasure in doing 
our government justice, in repelliiig the charg.^ of i^enth influence, and in 
expressing his satisfaction that wc. had done all we could do to avoid this 
rontest. What was his situation at this time ? The ally of England, the 
enemy of France, and bv)und, as you say, not to make peace with her 
^vithout Britain's consent--->vith us he has no political connexion, and he 
wants none. Feaco, commerce and honest lViend>hip are all he wishes. 
These facts, I perceive, make gentlemen somewhat uneasy. But I shail 
take care not to forget to call them to their remembrance on every proper 
occasion. 

But I apprehend that " Alexander the deliverer" is becoming unpopu- 
lar with your' parly. Vou will, I suspect, celebrate no more Russian vic- 
tories. He has been guilty of establlshin.?; the reputation of your adminis- 
tration in Europe, and ijou n ill Jievcr forgive him. 

I have dwelt longer than I inteiided «m the justice of thowar. It 
wants no proof. I return to the hirpplry. What is the policy or justice of 
this resolve? It may with much reason be said, that if he (f.awrence) had 
not lost the Chesapeake in the manner he did, we never should have spread 
this cold, unfeeling, negative resolve on our journals. No, sir, had he 
brought the tShannon into this harbor, you would have extolled him to the 

Your party have a wonderful faculty of engrossing the honors of the 
war, and throwing off the disgrace. Whenever a nran gains a victory, he 
is ?i federalist. If^it is a naval victory, it was done with a federal navy. 
When Perrv gained his victory on tlie lake, your party claimed the man 
and his ships too. Notwithstanding they had all been built since the war, 
it made no ditference in the clahn. Harrison's victory was yours.— But the 
moment any event takes place, which you can convert into a defeat, then, 
then you sing another tune. Then the vengcaiu-e of Heaven, and the phi- 
als of God's wrath are pouring down upon the perpetrators of this wicked 
war. In this case, it was known the Chesapeake was taken, and it vras a 
favorable time to set placed on your records a resolve of Usis description. 
As it was a disaster you c(Mild disclaim the act and execrate the \^ar. l,uU 
sir, it is not always the conqueror who doc=s the most honor to or confers 
the most benefit on his country. The dying words of the vanquisned, are 
often the pass word to fame. It is this which f.res the Hero m the day oi 
battle, and prompts him to deeds of immortal glory. ♦' oo\'r give up 
■ruE SHIP" was his dving injunction. Don't give up tiie ship has been the 



6 



^vord, j,iui it has been obeyed. Don't give- up the ship shall be the ivord of 
every American. And we will not give up the ship. She is weU found, condi- 
tioned and manned, and we have a pilot at the helm who knows his duty 
and will perform it. No, sir, let the storm of faction rage and exert its 
fury, the ship is safe. But this injunction dont plea:-;e yon — You rvovldgive 
up the ship — And the ship Massachusetts is given up — You struck her flag 
at the commencement of the contest — Your men deserted — Your pilot left 
the helm in the storm, and told you it was sacrilege to resist it, because 
it was GoiVs tempest. The ship is driven upon the rocks, she is wrecked, 
and I apprehend her destruction is inevitable. ^ 

But, sir, I beg pardon of the gentlemen for detaining tliem so long — 
I have been impelled by my feelings — We have most of us, propensitie-. 
which it is difficult to control — I pertieive we are fettered by this resolve — 
I wish it was erased. Suppose the resolve wliich has passed the house thi-! 
se,^sion in honor of Perry should come up for concurrence, we must either 
reject it, or be guilty of a most daring partiality. What is to be done ? 
Restore your record to a blank, wipe off the disgrace, and the public will 
be satisfied. 



SPEECH OF MR. HOLMES, 

IN THE 

SENATE OF 3IASSACHUSETTS, 

UURING THE DEBATE ON THE REPORTED ANSWER TO 

THE governor's SPEECH. 



MR. VUESWEJ^T, 

WHEN after eight days deep cogitation of the committee, an 
answer is produced, which I apprehend, will remain a standing 
monument of the degradation of this once respectable State ; the 
gentlemen of the majority must not deem it unreasonable, if 1 oc- 
cupy some time in discussing its merits. But in this, I confess, I 
despair of making any impression on the majority of this board. — 
* After having, during a war of eighteen months, taken their ground 
against their country and in favor of its eneraj^ ; after having con- 
demned their own government, and justified the aggressions and 
atrocities of the enemy, in every particular, without a solitary ex- 
ception, an attempt to dissuade them from this course, must in this 
case be desperate. I might as well attempt to convert an Atheist 
by scripture; I might as well go into the churchyard, rebuke the 
tombs, and expostulate with the sleeping ashes of the dead. No, 
sir, it is no? them whom I expect to convince or edify : it is an ap- 
prehen?>.r. that silence may be deemed an acquiescence in these 
inflammatory proceedings ; it is for the sake of my political friends, 
that I stand forth the advocate of my injured country. 

^ agree with his Excellency, that the liberty of speech is impor- 
tant to a free people, and he who would restrain it, is a foe to republi- 
can freedom. It is a privilege which I highly prize, and %Yhich I shall 
take advantage of in this debate. True, it may be abused ; in bad 
times, bad men will endeavor to excite discontents. In the com- 
mencement of a war, slander and abuse are wonderfully successful. 
There was danger for a while, that the outrages of party might 
drive \\\?t administration from office, or compel them to make an 
ignominious peace. But truth prevailed. Notwithstanding every 
attempt to throw a stumbling Mock in the way of the administra- 
tion in ".p days of difficulty an;^ distress, their popularity has increas- 
ed, and the people are more united than at the conmiencexnent of 



8 



Oie war. You speak of the growing discontents of the people :*— 
V/here is your evidence ? in the elections ? In Avhat elections ? 
In New-York, ihe jnost commercial state in the Union ? In New- 
Jersey, where every branch has been regenerated in a year? In 
Maryland where you but just smuggled in your Governor ? In Ver- 
mont, to be sure, you have a minority Governor for one year : and 
1 trust, for one year on'}'. But in the city of New-York, at a very- 
recent elcclion, the American cause prevailed by a change that 
Avas truly astonishing. And all this in time of Avar against the in- 
cessant clamors and slanders of a party, without any sedition act, 
or other act to screen the administration. 

His Excellency informs us, that he has received fifteen hun- 
dred stands of arms from the Secretary at War ; and you, in the 
answer, attribute this event to the efficacy of your famous Resolve 
of June last. To supj)ose that that anticlimax, that complete spe- 
cimen in the art of sinking, could produce any other etTect in the 
mind of the Secretary of War, than ridicule, is to me absolutely 
incredible. It began with a preamble full of invectives, with a 
*' Whereas,^' followed by a string of accusations against the whole 
course of the measures of the administration, and concluded with a 
*' Therefore Resolved, that the Adjutant General be requested to 
write to General Armstrong for the arms, &c." It was indeed, a pro- 
duction which promised much and performed nothing. It is proba- 
ble that General Armstrong, agreeablj'^ to his promise, sent you the 
arms as soon as they were ready ; but none the sooner for your piti- 
ful resolve. 

But this war is unjust. Must we travel over this ground again? 
This charge has been refuted more than a thousand times. But 
that makes no difference ; they can renew it though vanquished, 
they can argue still. The right of Blockade, Orders in Council, 
and Impressment are brought up, and all justified with greater ob 
stinac}'^ than in the Briiish Parliament. 

I have said, and I repeat it, that the priority of the Frencii 
Decrees could be no excuse for these Orders, if such had been the 
fact. What, sir, retaliate upon an innocent neutral the aggressions 
Avhich your enemy has committed upon that neutral ! The priori- 
ty of aggression makes no difference : Each nation must accoun t 
with us, for the injury it has done us : I have wondered the govern- 
ment of the United States, have CAcr condescended to discuss the 
c|uestion of the priority of these edicts though it is beyond questioK, 
that the blockade of the 16th of May, 1806, was far more injurious 
to American commerce, than the Berlin Decree of the 21 st Nov. 
following. This extraordinary blockade, obstructed the commerce 
of nearly one thousand miles of sea coast, including many im})or- 
lant commercial cities, and the mouths of several large and navigE" 
Me river?. But the advocates of Britain say that she had a right 
to do all this. She had force enough to invest this whole exteni', 
therefore, it was legally blockaded, whelhcr the force was ajipliejl 



or noi. So I suppose, gentlemen would contend that some other 
c©ast, equally extensive, was actually blockaded, because it might 
be ; and in this way, Britain might blockade every port in the- 
•world at the same time. But the strongest advocates for retaliation, 
have not pretended that it couid bejustified until after notice of the 
first aggression, and neglect or refusal io repel it. U|)on what 
principle, then w^as the Order of Council of 8th January, 1807, 
imposed ? This was but forty-seven days after the Berlin Decree' 
and before we could have had notice of it ; and yet Great Britain 
had a right, say they, to retaliate on us for an act which we could 
not prevent, and of which we did not know ! It is in vain to pre- 
tend, that this Order was not a retaliation of the Berlin Decree, be- 
cause left rigorous in terms. It v/as contrary to the known law of 
nations, and Britain had the power to enforce it ; but France had. 
no power to enforce her Decree, and it could be considered but an 
empty threat. 

But it is suggested, that this war is for the protection of Brit- 
ish seamen. This charge is without any foundation. We are con- 
tending for the protection of our own seamen on hoard of our own 
ships. The law of nations admits not the subjects of one nation to 
enter on board the ships of another, and to take such as thci/ shall 
judge their own. The case is simple, and capable of demonstra- 
tion. The ocean is the common highway of nations. On it, each 
has a concurrent, bui neither an exclusive jurisdiction. If, then, 
one nation has right to take such as she shall judge her own subjects, 
in this common jurisdiction, the other may retake the same sub- 
ject, if she judges him to be her own. if this nation has a right to 
re-capture, she has, asertiori, a right to resist the first taking — so 
that pursuing your principle, one nation claiming a citizen in juris- 
diction common to both, has a right to take him from another, while 
this other, if she claims him, has a right to resist. But, thouo-h the 
jurisdiction is concurrent on the ocean, it is not so on board ships» 
Here the jurisdiction is exclusive. The municipal law prevails 
here. Vattel says that a person born on shipboard, is con- 
sidered as the natural born subject of the nation to which the 
ship belonged, because within the exclusive jurisdiction of that 
nation. It is true that there are cases, in which a belligerent 
may enter on board for certain purposes; for instance, to search 
for contraband goods, and to prevent a violation of blockade. 
But these are exceptions, and goto prove the rule. It is manifest 
that these exceptions, especially that relative to contraband goods, 
are the effect of compact. They are part of the conventional law 
of nations. The natural law never defined what articles were con- 
traband. These exceptions so strictly defined, and carefully guard- 
ed, prove, incontestibly, the general rule, that each nation has an 
exclusive jurisdiction on board its ships on the ocean. But to pre- 
tend that because there is one exception, there is therefore another; 
that because the officers of one nation have a right to enter on board 



B 



10 

i.he ships of another, in search of contrdbaad goods, and if they 
have a rig;ht to carry in the sliip for trial, tiiat ihenjore such officers 
have a right to enter on board and take such men as they shall judge 
their own, rvithout trial, is, I confers, a course of reussoning, wliich 
I do not fully uiiderstand. If the right exists, why do not genllc- 
men Ave us the proof of it ? They are wise and learned in the 
law of nations ; where is the writer on national law, who has un- 
dertaken to establish the right of a nation to enter on board the 
shii)3 of another, and to take such as she may deem her own, with- 
out submitting the question to an international tribunal. 

But gentlemen insinuate that British subjects whom we have 
riatiiralized are the subjects of contention ; and they insist on the 
doctrine of perpetual allegiance ;osp' at least, that a naturalized cit- 
izen, has but a local protection. That is, inasmuch as allegiance; 
and protection are reciprocal ; and this protection does not extend 
beyond the territory of exclusive jurisdiction of the nation, so the 
alleoiance is subject to the same limitation, ^s a consequence of 
this doctrine, a British subject naturalized here, is obliged to fight 
against his native country until he gets three leagues fiX}m the shore, 
and the moment he crosses this imaginary line, he is absolved frons 
allegiance, and obliged to tight for his native against his adopted 
country. This consequence alone, is sufficient to mak« the propo- 
sition ridiculous. But the law has removed every deubt on this 
subject. Naturalization is defined, the giving a foreigner the rights 
of a citizen; or converting a foreigner into a citizeno This word 
itself carries with it its ow n definition, Ourcjw^n law has determined 
its effect. It was decided in New-York, that it operates retractive- 
/?7, and places the man in the same situation as if he had always 
been a citizen. The principle is the same in England. Coke and 
ElackFiione tell us, that, if a man be made a denizen, the ehildreu 
born after he was denizated shal! inherit but not those which were 
bor.i before. But it is not so in the case of naturalization ; because 
naturalization has a retrospective energy. But the British statute 
■which provides for -the natur>?d!zation of g'jch foreign seamen, as 
shall have served two years on board these ships, puts this question 
beyond doubt. — The act makes them natural born subjects or na- 
tives within the kingdom. 

Butthe Answer to his Excellency's Speech has brought up the 
qnestion of retaliation ; and a wonderful degree of sympathy is ex- 
cited for Ids Majesty's *^ubject3. Newark is arlfully selected, pro- 
bably as the first aggression. I suppose the burning of the defence- 
less villages on the shores of the Chesapeake, are instances of Brit- 
ish mercy. The exciliilg the Indians to indiscriminate massacre, 
was British mercy. The brutalities of that Vandal, Cockburn, 
are instances of this mercy ! The cold-blooded murders of that 
Goth, Procter, are further instances of it I — Who were the .jggrea- 
sors in this business of retaliation ? The advocates of perpetual 
Ellegiunce will say-, x\merica \ With them a man is fixed to the 



11 

spot v.nere i^e drew his first breath. If an Ainericic, on a xis- 
it to Eno;land, happens to have a son born there, tlmugh the parent 
c-hou!d innnediateiy return \vi<h him to America, this chikl owes an 
allegiance whicli he can nescr shake off; and iC some thirt)^ years 
nfteruards. in defending liis soil from Britisli pollution, his house 
from confiagration, or hu wife and children from rape, he nappeiis 
to be made prisoner, he is condemned as a, vile traitor to his Mnjer- 
t.y, is sentenced to be hanged by the neck until he U almost (lead; 
to be cut down, his bowels torn out b}' violence and thrown in his 
face, his head cut off, h'n body dissected in quarters, and the quar- 
ters to be at his Majesty's tlisposal — This is a necessary consc- 
f^nence of perpetual allegianc^^ -and a faiat > picture of British hu- 
manity. 

We are charged v/ith driving the aborigines froui their inheri- 
tances. It is but a short time since Mr. Jetferson was an object of 
ridicule, for his regard for tiie Indians and his disposition to civil- 
ize them. Now, that they are the allies of his Majesty, all hosliU 
>.ty agninst them is evidence of a disposition to exterminate them. 
Never was a charge more unfounded, cruel, or pernicious — V.'e 
have used them as children. They had no ground of complaint 
against us ; and wiiat good motive could have induced his Excellen- 
cy to infuse into the minds of the people and of these Indians, that 
the United States are determined to drive them oft' — The effect is 
beyond a doulit. It will awake them to vengeance, and the inno- 
cent blood which may flow in consequence, may one day be re- 
quired of us, who disseminate. charges sogrourwlless and injurious. 

But it is said that this is a war against New-England — Here is 
the attempt to excite local jealousies. New England has interests 
peculiar to herself! she must be separate. The Hon. Chairman, 
probabl3% looks forward to the period, when we can speokof thje 
Kingdom of New^ England; and possibly anticipates, that Josiaii 
THE First may be its future Sovereign. And sir, though 1 utterly 
abhor a Monarchy, if. we must have a King, I should be as willing 
that gentleman should v.ield the sceptre as any other — I should pre- 
fer him to George the Third ; for I do not think him quite so crazj'. 
I should prefer him to the Prince Regent, for he j)05sesses the char- 
ities of domestic life, which his Royal Highness does not appear to 
be overburthened with. I should prefer him to Bonaparte, because, 
though he is a military man, I do not believe he is ca;)able of doing 
half so mcch mischief. Having said this to j)acify the Hon. Mem- 
ber on his favorite subject, I shall now proceed to examine that 
part of the answer which relates to the Embargo, Gentlemen Iiave 
a wonderful faculty of denouncing laws as unconstitutional. It was 
to be expected that those gentlemen who regard their reputation as 
correct lawyers, would have deliberated before they decided. At 
least it was hoped, that inasmuch as we have a tribunal conipetent 
to decide tins question, and tiiat very sjieediiy, gentlemen instead 
of threatening to legislate against the legislation of Congrcs:^, vvtmid 



-I ^>- 

Jbave taken the means to have a decision in the Courts oi liie Uniteii 
States. Are they afraid to Irust the federal Judges? Do these 
gentlemen lack wisdom and integiUv ? Or is it this wisdom and 
integrity which they are afraid of ! The other Embargo was deem- 
ed by some unconstitutional, because it was unlimited; but it was 
decided otherwise in this stale, andif I mistake not, the Hon. Mem= 
ber from Worcester argued in favor of its constitutionality. The 
objection to the Embargo is, that it restricts the coasting trade, and 
gentlemen seem to insist, that the right to regulate commerce 
amons; the several states, means hctweeji state and state. I v/ili read 
you tVie opinion oi Gen. V^asbington on this subject— (Here Mr. H. 
read a communication of President Washington to the Senate, 28th 
March, 1 794, and insisted that it was in point.) But that clause 
in the constitution which authorizes Congress to provide for the 
common defence and general welfare, is amply sufficient. Who 
can doubt of the im[)ortance of this measure to the common defence ; 
We are starving ourselves to feed our enemies. They suffer ex- 
ceedingly ; and perhaps this is cause of more than half the clam- 
our. Gentlemen feel compassionate to the District of Maine. — 
The people, to be sure, sutler privations, and they are willing to 
endure them ; but they are not starving, nor severely distressed ; 
and very fev/ of them would thank us for our condolence. The 
Embargo was a measure called for by both parties ; and the people 
Ivad rather bear it, hard as it is, than that their enemy should be fed. 
But centlemcn threatened Legislative ieterfereuce : Are they pre- 
pared for this ? They mean surely, by a state law, to repeal the 
Embargo, and enforce the repeal against the officers of the general 
government. This is coming out. If they are in earnest, 1 like 
this. You have talked long enough. We begin to doubt youv 
nerve. Your rich men have probably made up their minds, as well 
as those of desperate fortunes. They probably understand the 
meaning of the word revolution. They have probably thought 
vv-here they shall be when the wheel stops. But gentlemen magnr- 
fy the ill success and disgrace of this war. This was expected. — 
itseemstobea subject of exultation. I loo, regret, as much as any 
man the disasters of our arms. But it was not entirely unexpected- 
We had been thirty years at peace : The art of war was of course 
iie'^lected : Our revolutionary heroes have, one after another, pas- 
sed off the stage of action. *ln a free country, you must begin hos- 
tilities without preparation. If you prepare, the people will know 
ior what ; and if so, you tell your enemy, and his preparation will 
be correspondent. . if so, we may as well be at war at once. 'We had 
to encounter the prejudices of a people inured to peace; and to re- 
sist a desperate faction who were advocating the enemy and throw- 
in«- i)\'CTy obstacle in the way of the government. We had to raise 
troops and obtain money. *These obstacles are overcome.— And 
have we met with nothing but disgrace and defeat ? Were the de« 
leuoe of FortMei.'-s, Fert Steven^on; Sacket's Harbour asdCrcii^y 



Island, disgraceful ? Was the success on Lake Ontario, and the 
complete and signal victory on Erie, when, with an inferior force 
we captured in fair battle, a whole fleet, disgraceful ? Give ra« 
such disgraces as these and you are welcome to all the laurels which 
thicken round the brow of the mighty Cockburn ? 

The Speech and reported answer speak of debts and taxes. — 
"VVe were once told that a national debt was a national blessing. I 
never believed it. In war we must have debts and in peace we 
must pay them — Taxes sufficient to pay the interest, is all a people 
at war ought to endure ;" and this is all we shall be obliged to endure- 
But his Excellency intimates, that the debt will continue as long as 
the union of the States. Was this intended as a hint to the people, 
that to avoid the debt, they must divide the states ? I don't appre- 
hend that the people of this Commonwealth are yet ready to pay 
their debts this way. 

Our government, it is said, discover no disposition to peace, 
and <hat they have taken no measure to put an end to the war. 
These are gi'oundieas .ibserliois. We offered to remove the farmer 
embargo, as to England, if she would remove her edicts. We ac- 
cepted of Erskine's propositions. We declared war on account of 
impressment and the Orders in Council. The Orders were suspend- 
ed, and we immediately proposed a cessation of hostilities, on the 
single condition of suspending the practice of impressment during 
the armistice; and offered the exclusion of British seamen from our 
employ, if Britain would abandon impressment. A similar offer 
was made by Mr. Monroe to Admiral Warren. We passed a law, 
excluding British seamen from our employ. We admitted the prof- 
fered mediation of the Emperor of Russia, and sent ministers to 
Petersburgh for the purpose of treating; and this, too. while Russia 
was at war with France, and fighting for England. In this situa- 
tion, at a time when the efforts of France were most powerful, and 
it was expected that Austria would join her, Mr. Madison being 
under French influence, a tool of Bonaparte, agreed to submit the 
dispute to the investigation of the ally of England^ and the moat pow- 
erful enemy of France, And when Britain refused this reasonable 
proposition, and proposed treating separately, we agreed, and mi- 
nisters have been appointed. But his Excellency has discovered 
evidence of French influence, in the proposition of Bonaparte, that 
America should treat for a general peace with the allies of France ? 
Has his Excellency forgotten when Lord Castlereagh claimed his 
party by the name of " our friends in Congress ?" What can influ- 
ence this government and people in favor of France? It is pas- 
sion, prejudice or interest, that creates a partiality of one nation 
for another. We have no French language, laws, constitutions, 
manners, nor customs. We have no French merchants, agents or 
spies, among us. Can Governor Strong and his friends boaht of 
Diinds as free from British attachments.'' Have they no prejudices, 
either civil or religious, that draw them towards the world's last 



14 



hope? Sir, it is in v&in to disguise it, the opposers of gOTerumVist 
are under a very fatal British influence. I do not mean by thii,^ 
that they are sold to Britain, or that they would dare oj^enly to ai'J 
her. 1 mean to say, that they have attachi^ents and })arlialities for 
Britain, that are extremely dangerous <o tlie liberties of their coua- 
try. England is our mother country, the nation from whom we de- 
scended. The tombs of our ancestors are here. Every man h.'is a 
strong attachment to the land where are deposited the ashes of his 
fathers. We speak the same language. It has been said by some 
one, that it was the policy of France to make her language the 
court language of Europe, that she might the better maintain her 
influence at those courts. 

What then must be the power of Britain over us, who not only 
gives a language to the court, but to the people ? The advantage 
is infinite. We are inundated with her books. Law, politics and 
divinity, are literally imported. The student at law reads English 
history, politics and law, eulogized by English writers, and leaves 
off admiring their constitution, and probably wishing that ours re- 
sembled them more. The divine reads English sermons, and some- 
limes preaches them, in which the writer takes care to boast of the 
rights of Englishmen ; and in this way, England is believed not 
only the bulwark of our policy, but of our religion. This is not 
all ; British merchants, agents, and perhaps spies, speaking the 
same language, can deal and negociate with wonderful facility. 

And add to this, sir, the privilege granted by the treaty oV 
1794, to refugees, to return with their love of royalty and hatred 
of republicanism, and to recover and hold lands, as citizens, and 
you have some of the streams of British influence ; streams, which 
3 apinehend are converging to a torrent, which may one day sweep 
away the liberties of our country. But why do I pursue this course, 
to prove the existence of British influence, when there is a party 
in tl.is country who go step by step with the British ministry, wh# 
justify every aggression, and w^hose maxim is, that Britain can do 
xio wrong; when our governors and legislatures are withholding 
their aid, discouraging the people, and throwing every oltstacle in 
the way, both of prosecuting the war, and obtaining an honorable 
peace. Look at all this, and if you are not convinced of British 
influence, you would not be persuaded should one rise from the 
dead. 

Suppose we were at war with France, and a party should jus- 
tify every act of France, and condemn every act of our own go- 
Ternment; would you not have reason to say that party were under 
French influence? If, in the progress of the war, one of your na- 
val heroes should capture and destroy a French ship of equal force, 
and we should spread a resolve on the journals of this Senate, that 
U was against our morals and religion to rejoice at the event, or io 
thank the hero, would it l)e uncandid to say, that the hand of Na- 
poleon was in this thing .^ If some reverend clergymao shculd de- 



nounce the President as a Nero exulting at the conflagration oi' 
llome, because lie had recommended a resistance of French aggres- 
siou, should we not have some reason to suspect that this holy man 
was a little biassed in favor of France ? I might proceed, but I 
sicken at the prospect. Gather all the public acts of the legisiature 
.jf the province, from the charter of William and Mary, down to 
the revolution, and I doubt whether you will find so much unequi- 
vocal, unalloyed loyalty to the British government as has been ex- 
hibited by the public documents of the commonwealth since the war. 

Well may you complain, that the people are emigrating. Iti» 
not the sterility of the soil — for this, with industry, the handmaid 
of virtue, is comfortably productive — it is not the rigor of the cli» 
mate, for this contributes to health, and health to happiness. It iff 
ihe pestilential atuiosphere of British influence, from which they 
flee. You see on all sides a want of American feeling, and a total 
dereliction of revolutionary principles. Where are the monuments 
of your revolutionary glory ? W^hat have you done with that sanc- 
tuary where a Warren^ an Adams, and a Hancock, preached the im- 
mortal principles of freedom ? It is now used, I suppose, for the 
|)urposes of vilifying the government, eulogizing Great Britain, and- 
feasting her agents for insulting the sovereignty of the American 
people. Where is Beacon Hill ? The monument is thrown down, 
the hill itself swept into the dock, and the tables of stone, on w hich 
were written the achievements of the revolution, are hidden be- 
hind the back stairs of the State House. Why do you hang by your 
walls the trophies of your victories ? They serve but to rebuke 
us. They are monuments of glory that is departed. Like the me- 
mory of joys that are past, pleasant and painful to the soul. 

I apprehend that your party has arrived at a crisis, in which it 
is equally dangerous to advance or retreat. The Union, I believe, 
is in no danger from your intemperate proceedings. But they may- 
prove fatal to yourselves. Man may be compared to a ship. Rea- 
son is the helm, passions are the sails, good and bad fortune are 
prosperous or adverse winds, and hope is the anchor. Thus maa 
commences his voyage across the sea of time. With his reason, 
his passions, and his hopes, under proper regulations, he can stem 
ihe storms and tempests which beset him in his course, and will, at 
last, arrive at his haven in peace, in safety, and in triumph. But 
his helm of reason lost, under the control of blindfold prejudices or 
]passion, he is driven on the rocks, shoals and quicksands, and rneetg 
with inevitable shipwreck. Take care that this be not the ship- 
"j^reck of your party. 



fcgB^iaaaigsMMgB BiB i jmr jirifc- n iiri i — l a ai m i n 



SPEECH OF MK. HOLMES, 



IN THE 



SENATE OF 3IASSACHUSETTS, 



QJJ THE REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE TO WHOM WAS RErES- 
RED THE PETITIONS OE SEVERAL TOWNS AGAI^TST THE WAK 
AND EMBARGO^ 



WHEN this report was first read, I despaired of corQpf»sinr my spirits 
or my muscles so far as to treat it with seriousness and decency. There 
appeared to me so much in it of that species of the ridiculous which critics 
describe, that art of sinking, that raising and disappointing of expectation?, 
that I apprehended I might indulge in a levity unbecoming the dignity of 
this board. Having as well as I could, suppressed those emotions which 
■were excited by contrasting the beginning with the conclusion, I entertain 
the hope that I may succeed in treating the subject as 7\.reality — as the seri- 
ous opinions of serious men. And, sir, I am the rather inclined to this 
course, from a wish to treat every thing coming irora a joint committee, 
however trifling, with an air of consequence — And this, sir, notwithstand- 
ing its outrageous charges against the Government of the United States, the 
dangerous principles it advances, and the heresies it inculcates, and above 
all, the pitiful manner in which it concludes. 

Permit me to give an abstract of the prominent charges contained in 
this Report. It states that the policy of Washington is abandoned — Ihg^ 
jVew England is lost in the national councils — that an unwarrantable and un- 
constitutional power has grown up in the Western States — that the war n 
wicked and unparalleled — that the President is an unrestrained despot, and 
the Congress his obsequious Parliament — that the commeicc is intentional- 
ly and maliciously destroyed — war is waged upon the people of this State — 
that our hopes and comforts are destroyed — that 60,000 men are organizing 
to enslave us — that the compact is violated — that liberty and property are 
exposed to arbitrary restraints and exactions — that life itself is scarcely se- 
cure — that remonstrance is vain ; resistance legal ; and that a convention of 
the New England States for self-preservation, would be right and proper. 
Here is a catalogue of crimes that would disgrace a Nero ; a history of op- 
pressions and sufterings which no people on earth ever endured. And this 
is but an imperfect epitome of this Report. Where is the freeman who be- 
lieves this, and would not exclaim, arouse to arms ! Seize the sanctuary of 
liberty, and defend the altar or die ! Who but expects a recomraendatioa 



ir 



to break the'^e cliains, hurl the tyrants from tlicir seats, consign them to de- 
struction, aiui their «i<lh(^r8nts to everlasting shame and reproach ? Who but 
expects a storm of indii^uatiou to burst on tl>.e hea(]s of thost 'jvrelches, who 
thus delight to feast on their country's richest blood ? What is the / e^/. ess ? 
Have patience, sir, and don't tremble. This is the redress; The com- 
plaints of these people are to be sent to the Governor ; not that he should 
burst their chains and execute vengeance on the guilty heads of their op- 
pressors, but that he should do with them just nntfiwg at all ; but tj-.at the 
next Govesnor may lay them hi^fore the next Legislature, and there enns the 
farce ! And this is all that an oppressed people are to expect from the pa- 
triotic Le2;islatare of Massachusetts I Is it possible ? After having been 
encouraoed by the Govf^rnor's Speech, and the Answer, and probably by 
special application to induce them to complain ; and after having obtained a 
pledge of these people that they would support this project of opposition, 
you desert them in the hour of peril, and throw off all responsibility from 
your shoulders, upon theirs. In the mean time the army of sixty thousand 
is raised and organized, and tlieir destiny is fixed past all hope. 

Do gentlemen believe all the<ie charges, grievances and dangei-s, oris 
it mere abuse against the officers of the General Government, to drive then* 
out of 'power and get in themselves ? If it is this, we can very easily account 
for the tapering off. It is possible the Gcverument may be more slov, in be- 
lieving us in '^ttrnfs.', than these people. Should this be the case, and the 
lav/S should be executed against those :^liom we encouraged to break them, 
we might by this device keep our necks out of the noose. But, sir, we had 
better take care how w© trifle with men, whose passions we have labored to 
inflame. We may kindle a flame which we cannot extinguish. I^'hould any 
be so mad as to believe us, and having more courage and consisiency than 
we have, put our precepts into practice, and find themselves abandoned 
and betrayed, they might in revenge, make us the first victims of their fu- 

I will now, sir, review some of the most prominent char2;eR contained in 
your Report. In doing this, I shall not condescend to re|?cl those off'^'vanny 
and (kspotism or personal insecurity. These I consider rank, incofiereiit 
declamation, and more the subject of ridicule than serious debate. If tliey 
inflame the passions of the people, they will probably answer their purpose. 
The constitutionality of the embargo has been discussed in a previous de- 
bate ; and if gentlemen are not, it is because they rvill not be convinced. — 
When the subject comes regularly before the proper judicial tribunal, gen- 
tlejnen mav wish that thev had deliberated more befon thcv had decided. 

Tiic sacred name of Washington is introduced to sanction opposition .' 
This report, this evil spirit, is in this way to be transfi)rmed into an angel of 
light. The mantle of Washington is to be thrown over it, to cover its de- 
formity : How do the seditious doctrines you inculcate, comport with h' 
farewell address ? Hear him on the subject of a Jjii^solntinn qf^ike / n/o??, 
and then talk of your New Enghuul Convention. Hear him speak of local 
jealousies, and then complain of the voice of New England being lost in the 
national councils. Hear him on tl:c mutual dependence of the sevenil sec- 
tions of the Union, and tlien clamor about the separate interests of the 
commercial states. Hear him foretell just such a party as yours, and ex- 
pose their views of ambition and power, and never aaain pervert his nam« 
to purposes like these. Societies bearing his name are scattered ovi-r the 
United States for the purjjoses, no doubt, of breaking down the fabric vvliicb 
his hands contributed to r.iist?. 

You shelter yourselves under his name, build his sepulchre, raise mo;, 
uments to his n>emorv, but despise his counsels, and reject ' cepts. — 

C 



18 

As vvas said of religion, may be said of him. O, n\ishift-ton, sacred yS 
thou wast, what crimes liave not been committed in thy name ? 

But New England is lost in the national councils. This is a standmg 
char<re. You meaii, I suppose, that hy tlie creation of small States in the 
West, the voice of New England is diminished below wiiat it should be m 
the House of Representatives. The first fact is assumed as a given pomt, 
and we admit without inauiry, that these five New England States, arc 
lar<re <itntes. Now, what is' the fact ? New England has more representa- 
tives in the Senate of the States, than she would have been entitled to, had 
the number been apportioned according to the whole number of tree mhabi- 
tants. For example : as 6,148,539, the whole number of free inhabitants is 
to 36, the number of Senators, so is 1,471,555, the free inhabitants of New 
England, to eight and about three quarters, the number of Senators requu-ed. 
But New England is now entitled to ten, about 1-29 more than her equal 
proportion. Now, bv the same process you may find our loss in the House by 
the slave representation. As the whole number of free inhabitants is to 82 
the number of representative^, so is the number of free inhabitants of New 
En<rland, to forty-three auil about three fourths ; about l-(il more than we 
iiow have. Hence it is manifest that in both branches of the Legislature ot 
the United States, New England is over represented. 

But tliis is not all : The increase of inhabitants in the Western States, 
exceeding that of New England, 'operates as a relative diminution of their 
llepresetvtatives, between the periods of taking the census. The State of 
Ohio, I thhik, by the census before the last, was entitled to but one Re- 
presentative, and New Hampshire to five. By the last census, Ohio had 
moi-e inhabitants than New Hampshire. But during this period of ten yeair^ 
New Hampshire has had Jive votes to o?ie against Ohio. Had this operation 
Ijeen against the New England States, what an infernal clamor we should 

have set up. 

But another very serious charge against the Western people is, that 
theyincrease too fast I In a free country It is eveo diflicult to regulate much 
more to restrain population. " Be fruitful and multiply," is a comiriand of 
nature, and would have been cheerfully obeyed, without the additional in- 
junction of revelation. Bid suppose we should make the attempt, and get 
lip a Resolve, send it to our Senators and Representatives in Congress, le- 
questijig them to get some law passed, restraining the population of the West- 
ern States ; it would not be half so ridiculous as some Resolves wo have sent 
there' And sunpose Congress should pacify us, and pass a^ law to this efiect; 
• I apprehend that all parties in the Western country, m:^es and females, 
■ ivoulditnitc in resisting such a law, and denouncing it as Unconstitutional ; 
and I think it vnnM be uncomtitxitionaU very unconstitutional. Now, sir, 
is it decent or civil, or does it comport with gallantry, to be fretting and 
«;onHJlaining again-^. our brethren of the "West, because our v.ives do not 
hue children so fast as theirs ? Sir, there is a bettor way than this—let 
'■■^ evciy man be at his post, and do his duty, and he may indulge a condbrtable 
hope that his means will he blessed. If we cannot command success, let 
OS at least, deserve it. Let our bachelors get married, and instead of com- 
piainiiijrof their increase, let us make an ctlbrt to outstrip them. 

But you say emi-^ratian is the cause— so it is ; and the way to check it, 
is toalruidon vour local, contracted po!ii\v. Tnstead.of continually exciting 
«listrust, alarm and clamor, at imaginary distresses, act like Americans, and 
stand bv the rights of your country, and the people will not leave you. — , 
But th^y perceive no symptom of this. They see the day darkening, and 
a storm gathering. The sun of patrJoti^nJ wears a pale and sickening aspcvt, 



19 



and seems about to muffle hii face in a cloud. The spirit of our fathers it 
fled, and there is no encouragement to remain. 

The old complaint oi" the admission of New States is revived. This, 
probably out of complaisance to the hon. gentleman from Suflblk, as it is a 
subject which he has very often considered, and may be supposed very ncav 
his heart. It is probable he will give us another dissertation on the subject. 
But I confess, sir, I have never been able to see the force of the argument 
against admitting Louisiana into the Union. To consider this subject briefly, 
i would treat it syllogisticallj . " New states may be admitted, by congress, 
into the Union : Louisiana is a new state ; therefore, Louisiana may be ad- 
mitted Ly congress into this Union. How are you to resist this conclusion ? 
Is the first proposition true ? It is in the very words of the constitution. — 
Is the second true ? I never heard it questioned. Louisiana formed a state 
constitution, and it was laid before congress. 

Are there any exceptions to tlie general proposition ? There arc two 
only, neither of which include Louisiana. To restrict this power to the ad- 
mission of states within the boundaries then established, you mu<:t introduce 
an exception, not to be found or hinted at in the constitution. The old con- 
federation, before our boimds were established, authorized the admission of 
other colonies, by a vote of three Iburths of the states. This requisite 
unanimity is no argument against the admission non\ That unatiimity was 
required upon all hnportant subjects, that the small states might not decide 
agaiast the majority of the people. But by the present constitution there 
is no danger of that, inasmuch as a majority of the people in (.he house and 
a, majority of the states in the senate, is required before a law can pass. — 
And tiiere must be some pretty strong reasons adduced before I could be- 
lieve that any people would establish a dominion with unalterable bounda- 
ries. If it is done in this case, it is I believe tlie first instance. 

There is, it is said, a jealousy of the commercial states, and a wish to 
destroy their prosperity. What or who are these commercial states ? In 
wliat part of the Union is it for the interest of the people to destroy com- 
merce ? Have these new states of the west no interest in commerce ? Is 
it for the interest of the states which border on the Oliio and ?/iississippi to 
destroy commerce? Sir, the single port of New Orleans, in the state of 
Louisiana, will in a few years export more of domestic growth and manu- 
factures, than all the ports of 3Iassachusetts. In one year these exports to 
foreign parts have amounted to two million and a half, while those from 
Massachusetts in the same period, did not exceed six millions. And if we 
take into acnount the exports coastn^ise, which perhaps from New Orleans 
exceed those of foreign exports, as three to one, we may not be far out of 
the way in saying that tliose from New Orleans are at this time equal to 
all those irora all the ports of Massachusetts. Perhaj)s there is not a spot 
in the globe that is letter situated for commerce thaji this buck noods state 
of Louisiana. Bounded on one side by the ocr-^an, and on the other by a 
nver, which, with its tributary strer.ms, waters the most extensive und 
fertile tract of country in the world ; v.ith a luxuriant soil and a delighti'ul 
climate, this state, it is apprehended, will be a clog to the commercp of 
this nation. Idle and vain alarm! And when we contemplate the facility 
of opening the navigation of these waters with the great lakes, the mind 
at once expands at the future prospects and commercial prosperity and 
greatness of this part of the nation. But there is notliing of this sort which 
can gratify the opposers of the government, unless it is connected with the 
commercial prospects of Great B?itain. It is hrr glory alone which they 
seek. She is the chief among ten thousands, and the one altogether lovely. 
The centre of graritj--, round which a!I the plujiolary orbs ou-ht to revolve. 



^ 



G 



The rncniOrial from Beverly, one of tho?>e on wiiich tins report w-j.-. 
predicated, has stated something which I wish to notice, and rati'* r be- 
oause it was drawn by a gentleman, whose talents as a lawyer, politician 
and calculator, 1 very much respect. It is there said that three-fourths of 
the taxes have been paid by the nine 7iorthern states. I did not know till 
now that there v/err nine states which might be emphatically styled no rtk- 
ern. Admitting this, however, I deny the position. The tax here alluded 
to, is impost principally. Now, sir, how is it to appear, tliat three-lb nrths 
of this has beeii paid by the nine northern states ? I consider a tax as a 
contribution levied on tlie citizen for the support of government, and for 
which he receives no other remuneration than protection. Novv who pa^r 
our Impost tax ? Smely not the Collector. Why? Because he receives 
it from the merchant, and is consequently remunerated. Surely not the 
merchant, for the same reason. He receives it of the buyer, with profits 
thereon, and often has credit on his bond until he can sell the impo?t arti- 
cles and collect the tax. Who, then, pays it ? The consumer. Whe>i 
that gentleman has shown us that the nine northern states consume articles 
which pay three-fourtiis of the impost, then, and not till then, is his pro- 
position proved. I did not think it was new doctrine, that the eousuiner 
pays ; I did expect that it was a well settled principle. Smith, Blackstone 
and Montesquieu, all agree in the principle. Hamilton lays it down more 
cautiously, but the reason is, because he was then writing in proof of an 
excise. I know there are instances, in which by a sudden depression of the 
market, or by systematic smugglhig, that this tax is thrown osi the seller, 
but such cases are rare. The people of Massachusetts never violate the 
laws, you know, sir. They seldom resolve that the laws must and will be 
resisted. Their merchants never smuggle, more especially their federal 
merchants. I think then, if the consumer pays the tax, none of us should 
be over ambitious, or think ourselves very meritorious, by having been 
dittinguished consumers. If we proved that we had consumed more brandy 
than our neighbors, it would be proof of our patriotism at the expense of 
our temperance. You will perhaps say that this tax was acquired by our 
industry. Bu't who furnished the means of export ? I'he man who raised 
the article. 

We are told, sir, that this is a war waged upon the people of New 
England. What motrve could induce the majority of the nation to make 
war upon ris? We are not th'. ir rivals hi any thing. To suppose that they 
would oppress us to make us love them, and induce us to live among them, 
is a very childish supposition. I do not know for what they would envy 
lis. Surely not for our union or patriotism. Are they olk-nded at our un- 
interrupted abuse ? No — During all the insults of our politicians, and the 
billingsgate of our newspapers, have they shown no tokens of resentment, 
but vi/jwed them with pity or contempt. 

You nesd apprehend nothing from the army r»f C0,000 men. If you 
conduct as you ought, and as we believe you will, the troops will never 
disturb your peace, and should you attempt any resistance, the friends of our 
^rovernment are amply Gompet«nt to put you down. But, if you arc really 
alarmed, pass one or two more such resolves as these, and be assured the 
o-overnment of the United States will take no pains to dragoon you into 
submission. Nor are these troops, as you intimate, intended lo make Mr. 
Madison president lor life. As to choosing him by iiitrigue, I should have 
thought gentlemen would have had more prudence than to say one word on 
tiiat^ubj^ct. Never was a more infamous system of intrigue practised in 
any country, or on any occasion, than was put in operation by the opposers 
,jf Mr. Madison's election. Bui we can chooi>e Mr. 3Iadison every yeai 



^1 

billing life, without lioops ov hitriguc, and all your arb aud opposition 
will not picvent it. 

The co.imiittee state, that though they postpone redress for these in- 
tolerable grievances, yet they do not believe tljat peace will take place. 
Aniontj; the causes of imbelief, that of want of evidence is not the only one. 
There is fteo,uentiy what the faculty would call a •' predisposition of the 
patient," which prevents the belief. This, tog:eihcr with the morbid state 
of the political atmosphere, probably has mucli effect on the case. The 
opposition do not wish an honorable pt^acc : it would destroy all their hopes, 
and blast their expectations. 

Should the present administration be able, notwithstandhig our oppo- 
sition, to efi'ect a peace on any tolerable terms, the opposers of the govern- 
ment must inevitably g,> donn. Now mark well, if peace is effected on any 
terras by the present admijiistration, the " peace party" in Massachusetts 
will be the first to find fault. And, sir, why do the southern and tvestern 
states continue this war / Suppose they should take you at your word, and 
yield up to Great Britain, what you say we ought, how would this injure 
them, or satisfy you ? They have no interest which clashes with that of 
Great Britain. In ease your projected dissohition should be accomplished, 
the southern and western states could make peace in twenty-four hours I 
You say, let us have trade, let us have cargoes, and we will consent to 
lose the men. They reply, you are the travellers, the carriers, and we wish 
to clear the highway of robbers and banditti, that you may travel with 
safety. But if you are satisfied, and are willing to sacrifice your men for 
the sake of tlie property, to sell their liberties and pocket the money, veiy 
well. Make your own bargain and go your own way. Be separate if you 
choose. Great Britain will be our carriers on as good terms as you will. 
But what sort ef a treaty can you make with England? Have you any 
thing that she wants, or will she consent that yon shall be the carriers of 
her manufactures ? No, sir, could we have our wishes gratified, we should 
be the most miserable people in the world. 

The commissioners of peace don't please you — This is a favorable 
symptom. Had 31r. Madison appointed opposition men, it would be giving 
up an the point in controversy. They would have made a treaty conform- 
able to your view of the subject, which would be yielding them all they 
ask. And if such a surrender of our rights had been rejected by the treaty 
making peace, you would again complain of the rejection of a treaty, niade 
on purpose to be rejected. But your predictions on the subject of minis- 
ters of peace are not entitled to the fullest confidence. We were told that 
the appoiiitment of Mr. Gallatin, c trenchman! to Russia, was an insult 
to that government. But it turned out, that this commission has been 
deemed very flattering to Russia, and these '• disthiguished citizens" have 
been treats d with as much respect as any miuisters in hurope, and, much 
to your mortification, this " unauthorized'' mediation and mission are very 
likely to produce what ne wish, an honorable peace. Whether any, or what 
effect, your opposition nould have had, or since this tapering ofii nill have, 
on the peiKiing negociation, remains to be seen. But 1 believe it will prove 
as harral.ss and ineihcient there, as it is here. 

Bi)t sir, before I close my remarks, which have already been protracted 
longer than I hitended. I would inquire of gentlemen whether they are 
aware of the consequences of repeatedly expressing an opinion that " the 
com' act is dissolved ?" AVhat, sir, on the pas:^ing of any law, which we 
ma"' please to call uncnnstitutionai, is the compact dissolved and we ab- 
soiv.'-d from all allegiance to the general government ? This doctrine is 
pernicious and aboiaiuable. An awful responsibility rests oo those who pro- 



Siulgatc sc«tinicn^s of this description. With v,hat pleasure can vvc revie*?^ 
cheso doctrines in the calm and sunshine of peace ? Will Britain or the 
United States respect us more for the course we are pursuing? li^uppose 
some unfortunate man, giving credit to your declarations, should reduce 
your precepts to practice, and resist those laws which you have declared no 
longer binding, and being prosecuted and convicted, you should desert hiro, 
as you unquestionably would. He might address you in language somewhat 
like this — " Gentlemen, I believed tile Speech cf his Excellency and the 
Answer to l)e true, and the oppressions and dangers to be correctly de- 
scribed — 1 saw the miseries to which my countiy was doomed. You sent 
me an order to get up a town meeting, that we might pledge ourselves to 
support the principles you advance, and I obeyed. To redeem the pledge, 
I resisted the laws of the United States, was prosecuted, convicted, and 
^m sentenced to die, andivhere is your protection? Now 1 hnd that each 
of my instigators takes care of himself. I am abandoned, betrayed, and 
must sufier the penalties of violated law ; I die the victim of your rashness 
and my o^vii credulity." Sir, I apprehend that the blood of this man would 
at another day be required at our hands. 

I would now appeal to the deiiberate candor and good sense of the 
majority, i ask them to look at the eiiects of these threatening, bluster-^ 
ing proceedings. Our government is established on, ^nd supported by pub- 
lic opinion ; this opinion is very much under the control of men who possess 
the confidence of the people of the state. It is in your power to excite 
and continue distrust, jealousy, confusion and r«: be! lion. 

But you may, if you choose, promote the Union, increase the strength, 
establish the honor, and perpetuate the liberties of the United States. 
Tkis course is plain, but tkat is hazardous. You may clamor, but you must 
not act. You may ind-.-h'* in '' anger insignifi.'artly .icrce" — you may pour 
out your " sound knd :5nlfying nothing/' out If you csuse to be shed 

one drop of Amcricaa Oiuod, that moment you commence >:* v?ry serious 
business. You may experience some scenes which will be far from amusing ; 
you may witness fiames, blood, and groars, and see the tenderest ties dis- 
solved by savage barbarity and brutal violence. But I trust no attempt at 
prostrating the go%'ernme*nt will succeed. Before the dagger shall reach 
The vitals of our country, it must pierce th;:3ugh Jbe hearts of many here, 
whose blood is as pure and honorable as any that runs in I'la veins of ;^e best 
opposers of the administration. Sir, 1 believe there is yet virti in the 
people, irid that few indeed would be induced, by the example e^en of this 
Legislature, to proceed to extremities. I hope and trust, that soir.e great 
and good man, disdaini'Jg party distinctions, will ag.iin arise and cvtinguisb 
the hr£t tiames of sedition- -and like the archaDgel of liberty, stand in the 
threshold cf the temple, and his eloquence, like a flaming sword, wUl tura 
every way to defend the sanctuary. 



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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




011 899 772 4 # 



Hollinger 

pH8.5 

Mill Run F3-1955 



